Ikele is a single stiff string or circlet of coral beads. It is worn by chiefs, such as senior chiefs who have been made Enigie (Inneh 2007, p.107), and is a sign of nobility and rank. The Ikele may only be worn once the Ọba has conferred a person with the right to wear the beads, and the Ikele must always be worn when appearing before the Ọba. According to Ekhaguosa Aisien (in Plankensteiner 2007, cat. nr. 301, p.512) when a chief is wearing the Ikele, they may not eat nor drink in public, and they “constitute an embassy of the Benin Palace wherever he might be.”

Uman-ague is a badge in the form of an equal-armed cross. The cross with straight-sided arms is known as the “Greek cross,” while the type with V-shaped arms, narrowing toward the centre, is known as the “Maltese cross.”

Uman-ague is usually worn around the neck by members of the Ewua or by the Ohensa ( ). The equal-armed cross has various meanings: as a symbol of cosmic order, it represents the number four and references the “four cardinal points established by the High God Osanobua when he created the world” (Girshick Ben-Amos 1999, p. 64), as well as the “crossroads or junction that serves as the point of connection between the natural and spiritual worlds” ( ). Paula Girshick Ben-Amos ( ) also argues that when used on the Aken'ni Elao (altar tusk), the cross, together with the Ivie okpagbaru (royal bead), constitutes an “emblematic reference” to Ọba Ẹsigie.

The cross also references the Portuguese missionaries who brought Christianity to the Kingdom during the reign of Ọba Ẹsigie, although the symbol was already in use before the arrival of Europeans ( ). The Maltese cross is thought to have been introduced by Ọba Eresonyẹn as part of his efforts to encourage the worship of the High God Osanobua during his reign ( ; ). Regardless, Uman-ague is often associated with Ọba Ẹsigie.

Many different kinds of Ẹrhu (headwear) are worn by the various figures depicted in the imagery of Benin royal artefacts. Through comparisons with ceremonial regalia still worn by chiefs and members of the royal court, including the Ọba himself, some Ẹrhu have been used to identify the different figures depicted. For example, the conical hat worn by high-ranking town chiefs as part of the pangolin regalia, still worn at ceremonies, is also visible on figures on some Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn (bronze relief plaques) ( ). Other examples include the distinctive bell-shaped helmet associated with the Iyasẹ ( ). Figures who wear a shallow-brimmed hat and a cross have been identified as Ewua or Ohensa priests ( ).

Different kinds of helmets and headwear were worn by warriors, reflecting the many different ranks and roles in the army at any given time, as well as developing trends that were in turn represented on Emwin Arhe created at different points in time. Warrior figures wearing helmets covered in cowrie shells were carved on the Aken'ni Elao (carved tusks) (Blackmun 1984, p. 330), yet on the brass Ama, warriors are sometimes depicted wearing helmets made from crocodile hide or horsehair with a front plate (Osadolor in Plankensteiner 2007, cat. no. 238, p. 457). Helmets made from horsehair with a front plate are one of the more common types represented on the Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn, and the demand for black horse tails was noted by both Portuguese and British traders during the late 17th and 18th centuries (Osadolor in Plankensteiner 2007, cat. no. 238, p. 457). Other warriors depicted on Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn wear helmets with a rounded top, chinstrap, and sometimes also a feather tucked into the left side. These types of headwear are known as Ẹrhu Iyokuo.

Attire worn for battle also differed from that worn for ceremonial occasions, such as the pointed headwear worn in combination with an ornate leopard-head tunic by war chiefs. Depictions of figures wearing this attire on brass Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn (bronze relief plaques) have been interpreted as representing the war chiefs’ participation in the war-ritual Isiokuo festival (Osadolor in Plankensteiner 2007, cat. no. 238, p. 457).

Another distinctive form of headwear is that worn by figures identified as leopard hunters on the brass Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn (relief plaques). These large helmets cover almost all of the leopard hunters’ faces except for their noses, eyes, and upper lips, and are made of an unusual material that remains unidentifiable (Plankensteiner 2007, cat. nos. 68–69, p. 322).

European figures are also portrayed with distinctive hats, such as Portuguese three-cornered hats. These depictions reflect the artists’ keen observation and highlight the impact of European trade and military assistance (Ezra 1992).

Ukpọn is the Edo term for cloth (Aigbe 1985, p. 55; Ọbazee 2025, p. 542) and is used here to refer to the wrappers or kilts worn by many of the figures depicted on the Emwin Arre (royal treasures). The cloth worn around the waist may be plain, but it is more commonly richly decorated with motifs associated with the monarchy, power, and wealth, such as the Ọba'nui (infinity symbol) and Uhunme Ikpotoki (Portuguese heads).

The Benin Kingdom was renowned for its textile production, both for local use and for trade ( ). Within the royal court, members of the Owina n’Ido produced ukhuen cloth for the Ọba and other members of the court, who wore it as wrappers during festivals and ceremonies ( ).

Alongside locally produced textiles, imported cloth was also an important commodity in the Benin Kingdom’s trade networks. Textiles were exchanged with neighbouring production centres, particularly Ijebu ( ), while European traders brought silks, woollens, linens, and cotton from Europe and Asia from the 15th century onwards ( ).

Itakpa facial markings consist of three linear cicatrizations at both corners of the mouth of figures, sometimes described as “cat’s whiskers” by scholars researching Benin art history (e.g., Willett 1967, pp. 67–70; Nevadomsky 1986, p. 41). Edo people do not, and did not historically, wear this type of facial marking. Therefore, it has been suggested that these figures could be messengers or envoys sent to the Kingdom of Benin by the Ooni of Ife, as similar facial markings have been seen on terracotta sculptures from Ife (Willett 1967). However, during Joseph Nevadomsky’s (1986, p. 41) research in Benin City, people identified these markings as Itakpa, a kind of facial marking worn by people from areas to the north of the Benin Kingdom, where the Niger and Benue rivers meet, such as the Nupe, Igala, or some Yoruba communities. Furthermore, in his 1937 Edo-English dictionary, Melzian (p. 102) identified Itakpa as the Edo word for the Nupe. During the 16th century, Ọbas led expansion wars, such as the Idah War in 1515–16 under the rule of Ọba Esigie; therefore, the attribution of figures with these markings as ‘foreigners’ corresponds with the history of the Kingdom.

The Ubanu'hi (infinity symbol) is a kind of guilloche or interlaced strapwork motif that can be angular or rounded. It was used by Edo artists in the decoration of many Emwin Arhe (royal treasures) and is ubiquitous in Benin royal arts. Ubanu'hi is a shortened form of “uba no Ọba ya de agbon ke ehimwin yi”, which means “the rope with which the Ọba ties the heaven and earth together” (pers. comm. Chief John Igbineweka Inneh n’Igbesawman, 2022). Similarly, Paula Ben-Amos Girshick (in Plankensteiner 2007, pp. 339, 341) described this as “Ọba n’iri agbon”, or the “rope of the world” pattern.

According to Ọbabanmu Ineh (in Blackmun 1984, p. 51), the use of this motif indicates that objects were carved by members of the Igbesanmwan. However, the motif is found on all types of Emwin Arhe (royal treasures), not only those made of ivory or wood. On the flanges of the Ama (relief plaques) alone, Kathryn Gunsch (2018, pp. 75–77) identified three different versions of the Ubanu'hi and, through her analysis of over 850 plaques, found that these different Ubanu'hi forms align with other characteristics, such as dimensions, the prevalence of ornamental motifs, and stylistic qualities. Together, these provide evidence, she argues, of different production groups among the plaque makers .

Kate Ezra (1992, pp. 209, 264) went on to argue that the use of these motifs indicates that certain objects were used in a “royal context” and were associated with “royal patronage”.